Early Medieval Art
and Archaeology
in the Northern World
Studies in Honour of James Graham-Campbell
Edited by
Andrew Reynolds and Leslie Webster
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-23503-8
CONTENTS
Foreword ........................................................................................................
David M. Wilson
Preface .............................................................................................................
List of Contributors .....................................................................................
List of Illustrations .......................................................................................
James A. Graham-Campbell—A Bibliography 1968–2011
Compiled by Martin Comey ...................................................................
xi
xv
xvii
xxi
xxxix
OBJECTS
Hanging Basins and the Wine-Coloured Sea: The Wider Context
of Early Medieval Hanging Bowls ......................................................
Noël Adams
3
The Wilton Cross Coin Pendant: Numismatic Aspects and
Implications ..............................................................................................
Marion M. Archibald
51
A Lost Pendant Cross from Near Catterick Bridge, Yorkshire .......
Rosemary Cramp
Gabatae Saxiscae: Saxon Bowls in the Churches of Rome during
the Eighth and Ninth Centuries .........................................................
Richard Gem
‘All Shapes and Sizes’: Anglo-Saxon Knives c. 700–1100 ...................
Patrick Ottaway
73
87
111
A Remarkable Anglo-Saxon Gold Finger-Ring from Berkeley
Castle, Gloucestershire ..........................................................................
Leslie Webster
139
An Anglo-Saxon Bone Acanthus-Leaf Mount from Malmesbury
Abbey, Wiltshire ......................................................................................
David A. Hinton
153
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Hybridity and Identity in Early Medieval Wales: An Enamelled
Class G Brooch from Goodwick, Pembrokeshire .............................
Ewan Campbell
163
Ring Rattle on Swift Steeds: Equestrian Equipment from Early
Medieval Wales ..........................................................................................
Mark Redknap
177
Viking and Late Norse Ceramic Baking Plates in the Hebrides .......
Alan Lane
211
A Gold Finger-Ring Found Near Tipperary, Ireland ............................
Niamh Whitijield
231
The Insular Comb ...........................................................................................
Ian Riddler and Nicola Trzaska-Nartowski
259
Two Ninth-Century Pails from Ireland ....................................................
Martin G. Comey
275
Weights and Weight Systems in Viking Age Ireland ...........................
Patrick F. Wallace
301
A Medieval Sword and Scabbard from the River Bann ......................
Cormac Bourke
317
Some Viking Weapons in Sigvatr’s Verse ................................................
Judith Jesch
341
An Anglo-Saxon Disc-Brooch From Sjørring, Jutland ..........................
Raghnall Ó Floinn
359
Two Viking Age Pendants from Iceland ..................................................
Guðrún Sveinbjarnardóttir
371
Medieval Bronze Bowls from North Norway and Their
Context: Sámi or Norse? ..........................................................................
Ingegerd Holand
383
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-23503-8
contents
An Important Late Merovingian or Early Carolingian Sword in
the Yorkshire Museum .............................................................................
Barry Ager
vii
409
HOARDS
A Casket Fit for a West Saxon Courtier? The Plumpton Hoard
and Its Place in the Minor Arts of Late Saxon England ................
Gabor Thomas
425
The ‘Northern Hoards’ Revisited: Hoards and Silver Economy in
the Northern Danelaw in the Early Tenth Century ........................
Gareth Williams
459
Cuerdale: An Update from North-West England ..................................
B.J.N. Edwards
487
The Context of the 1858 Skaill Hoard .......................................................
David Grifijiths
501
The Silver Hoard from Skovvang, Bornholm ..........................................
Birgitta Hårdh
527
Treasure—A View from the South ............................................................
Wendy Davies
541
PLACES
Anglo-Saxon Civil Defence in the Localities: A Case Study of the
Avebury Region ..........................................................................................
Andrew Reynolds and Stuart Brookes
561
The Liberty of Sandwich, Kent, c. 1300 and Its Implications for
Earlier Topography ....................................................................................
Helen Clarke
607
A Viking Burial at Balnakeil, Sutherland .................................................
Colleen E. Batey and Caroline Paterson
631
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Early Finds of Viking Graves in the Isle of Man ....................................
David M. Wilson
663
Viking Age Agriculture in Ireland and Its Settlement Context ........
Mick Monk
685
The Reliability of the Alleged Early Lough Gara Iron .........................
Barry Raftery
719
Viking Brittany: Revisiting the Colony that Failed ...............................
Neil Price
731
Saxons, Britons and Scots: Pilgrims, Travellers and Exiles on the
Continent .....................................................................................................
Mark A. Handley
743
STYLE, SYMBOL AND MEANING
William Nicolson’s Drawing of the Main Text of the Bewcastle
Cross ...............................................................................................................
R.I. Page
781
‘Little Men’ and the Missing Link: Irish Anthropomorphic Vessel
Mounts ..........................................................................................................
Susan Youngs
789
Viking Raiding, Gift-Exchange and Insular Metalwork in
Norway ..........................................................................................................
John Sheehan
809
Copying and Creativity in Early Viking Ornament ..............................
Signe Horn Fuglesang
Finds of Treasure and Their Interpretation with Special Reference
to Some Hoards Found in Birka and on Björkö ...............................
Birgit Arrhenius
King Harald’s Rune-Stone in Jelling: Methods and Messages ...........
Else Roesdahl
825
843
859
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-23503-8
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A Note on the Beard-Pulling Motif: A Meeting between East and
West, or a Northern Import? ..................................................................
Alison Stones
Old English ‘Wopes Hring’ and the Old Norse Myth of Baldr ..........
Richard North
ix
877
893
END PIECES
Endnote ..............................................................................................................
Negley Harte
Index ...................................................................................................................
913
917
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-23503-8
AN IMPORTANT LATE MEROVINGIAN OR EARLY CAROLINGIAN
SWORD IN THE YORKSHIRE MUSEUM
Barry Ager
A sword with elaborately inlaid hilt ijittings and a pattern-welded blade
was recently acquired by the Yorkshire Museum (Figures 1 and 2; accession no. YM 2000.4280). As far as is known, it has no precise, recorded
ijindspot, but it is possibly from Yorkshire, as it was found in “the attics
of a country house” in the area of the pre-1974 county.1 Surviving patches
of the original surfaces of the blade suggest it may have been recovered
from a waterlogged deposit or river-bed. It is a highly important piece,
both because the form and elaborate decoration of the hilt are almost
unique, and it appears to date from a transitional phase in the development of early medieval swords, for which there is only limited surviving
evidence.
Description
The sword (surviving length: 754mm) has a hilt with straight, narrow upper
and lower guards and a high, hump-backed pommel with stepped shoulders, below which the edges are gently concave; height 25mm (including
basal wire). The components of the hilt are all basically of solid iron.
The guards have keeled sides and triangular ends; lengths, 98mm
(lower), and 85mm (upper); height, 8mm. They are each inlaid with yellow, leaded tin bronze in ijive rectangular plates alternating with triple
vertical strips of the same alloy separated by groups of vertical grooves
(see abstract of British Museum Research Laboratory report by M. Cowell
below; gold was not detected, although the Royal Armouries report mentions traces of original gilding). Three of the rectangles are missing, where
close, ijine, vertical grooves are visible in the underlying iron for keying the
inlays. Between the strips there are dark, shallow, vertical grooves about
1mm wide. They are arranged in four groups of four, with groups of three
at the ends of the lower guard and one, or possibly two, grooves obscured
1 Hartley 2001: 31, no. 48.
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Figure 1. The Yorkshire Museum sword. Courtesy: Trustees of the British Museum.
© 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-23503-8
an important late merovingian or early carolingian sword
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Figure 2. Hilt of the Yorkshire Museum sword. Courtesy: Trustees of the British
Museum.
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by wear at each end of the upper guard. The grooves appear black now,
but microscopic examination during conservation work, undertaken after
the initial surface analysis for the report, indicates that this is due to magnetite from the underlying iron of the guards and not to the residue of
any metal or mineral inlay as was ijirst very tentatively proposed.2 In two
of the black lines, towards one end of the lower guard, there are possible
traces of vertical rows, each of three small light-coloured rings, that may
have been inlaid in the grooves, but they were too small to detect, or to
identify any difference of material in the analysis. Very small patches of a
red deposit on the guards are probably incidental.
The pommel has a flat, rectangular section (7mm thick in the centre),
tapering to a point at each end, and is only marginally shorter than the
upper guard. It is ijinely decorated on both sides with an inlaid, diagonal lattice work of wires of copper-based alloy, grey in colour, enclosing
small circles, all of the same material as on the guards and hammered
into grooves and punched circles in the surfaces (analysis at the British
Museum suggests there is a slight possibility that the wires are silver
plated, or perhaps tin plated). Areas of the lattice have been damaged by
corrosion on one side of the pommel. The pattern continues over the top
edges of the pommel, where the lozenges are compressed laterally. Round
the base of the pommel, separating it from the upper guard, runs a reddish copper wire, 2mm thick, which has the appearance of being twisted.
This is only a visual effect, however, created by diagonal grooves incised
in the wire. There are traces of mercury gilding in the recesses of the wire
where it has been protected from wear.3
Measured between the guards, the grip is 98mm long and 5mm thick.
Two small areas of mineralised horn on the tang indicate that the grip was
probably horn and the outlines of its ends preserved on the inner faces of
the guards suggest that it was oval in section, approximately 45mm wide
at the top and 50mm at the bottom.4 It may originally have been concave
sided, as on some examples of Behmer’s types VII and VIII.5
The blade is double edged and somewhat corroded, without any obvious sign of a fuller; both the tip and sections of the edges are missing;
width, 50–53mm maximum (below guard). The central section along the
2 Personal communication Michael Cowell, London; British Museum Conservation
Report no. 2002/19/M/6 by Hayley Bullock.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 Behmer 1939, Taf. 55, 1 and 59, 1.
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an important late merovingian or early carolingian sword
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Figure 3. X-radiograph showing detail of inlaid loop. By permission of the Trustees
of the Royal Armouries.
length of the surviving blade is pattern welded in three layers; there is
a relatively simple, herringbone pattern visible on both sides of it (see
below) and the plain core can be seen in a couple of places where corrosion has stripped away the outer, patterned layers. X-radiography by
Alison Draper has revealed that about 75mm below the hilt, and invisible
to the naked eye, there is an inlaid maker’s mark overlying the herringbone on one or other side (Figure 3).6 It is in the form of a pattern-welded,
tear-shaped loop, and fugitive traces continuing beyond its ends suggest
that it may be one half of an original ijigure-of-eight loop, or perhaps an
‘eyelet’ shape (see discussion below). The edges of the blade are formed
by a plain strip about 10mm wide, presumably of steel, butt welded round
the central section. Voids in the blade were ijilled during conservation to
give it support.
6 Royal Armouries, Leeds, X-radiograph no. 35/00.
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There is an area of mineral-preserved traces of the lengthwise grain, probably of a wooden scabbard-plate, on one side of the blade. Very small
patches of a yellow material on the blade are probably incidental.
Discussion
The stepped pommel of the Yorkshire Museum sword apparently represents a development of the solid, hump-backed iron forms common on
swords of the late Merovingian period from the mid-seventh to eighth
centuries, which are frequently inlaid with linear and geometric patterns
in silver wire.7 The comparatively increased height of the pommel of the
sword from Férebrianges (Marne) suggests a typologically intermediate form, while it is also notable that the lower guard is closely inlaid
with vertical wires (Figure 4; Musée d’Archéologie Nationale, inventory
no. 68051–1). Furthermore, the somewhat irregular chequered pattern
on one side of the pommel (with a more typical stepped cross on the
other) illustrates decorative experimentation that appears to culminate
in the design of the lozenge grid on the Yorkshire Museum sword. As a
further example of this intermediate form, I am most grateful to Mme
Françoise Vallet, not only for providing me with slides and details of
the Férebrianges sword just mentioned, but also for drawing my attention to the publication of an unprovenanced sword in the Museum für
Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Berlin, which has a high, silver-inlaid pommel
with more pronounced shoulders and central hump, although it does not
yet approach the size and sharpness of outline of the pommel belonging
to the subject of the present article.8 The Anglo-Saxon version of shouldered pommels with prominent, arched, central elements of the middle
and later eighth century from Windsor and Chiswick Eyot may represent
an independent, parallel development from earlier seaxes in England, e.g.
from Oliver’s Battery near Winchester, and the construction, especially of
Windsor, is rather different from the continental form.9 A simple lozenge
grid pattern is inlaid in brass in the central section on one side of the
pommel of a late Merovingian sword from Büraburg (Hessen), dating to
around ad 650–680.10
7
8
9
10
Behmer 1939, Taf. 57–61; Menghin 1983: 321–324.
Menghin 1994: 223, no. 133.
Webster & Backhouse 1991: 225–226, cat. nos. 180–181; Andrew & Smith 1931, ijig. 2.
Stiegemann & Wemhoff 1999: 279–280, no. V.17.
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Figure 4. Hilt of a Merovingian sword from Férebrianges (Marne). Courtesy:
Musée d’Archéologie Nationale.
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The closest parallel to the Yorkshire Museum’s sword known to the author
is provided by the sword from an early boat grave at Ultuna, Uppland,
Sweden.11 This sword, although provided with a pommel of exceptionally large size with corrugated shoulders and small, knobbed terminals,
has both the straight guard inlaid with rectangular plates and the sharply
shouldered outline to the pommel of the Yorkshire Museum sword and
is similarly inlaid with a lattice pattern, in this case of silver wires enclosing stepped swastika motifs. The Ultuna sword is not a Viking product,
but it represents a developed example of Behmer’s broad-bladed, mainly
late Merovingian type VIII (triangular pommel variant), the chief area
of distribution of which lies in southern and Western Germany, Eastern
France and Switzerland, with only stray examples occurring outside the
region.12 The type is Frankish, originating in the ijirst half of the sixth century, and was adopted in Burgundian and Alamannic areas in the seventh,
possibly lasting into the ijirst half of the eighth. John Ljungkvist suggests
a probable dating to the later part of the seventh century for Ultuna,13
but the absence of any trace of zoomorphic terminals on the pommel of
the Yorkshire Museum sword and the keeled section of its guards suggest the latter is typologically later (see below). Both swords are, nevertheless, clearly related technically by the form and style of decoration of
their pommels, although the blade of the latter is too narrow to include
it in the same type VIII, and they must represent late Frankish ‘exports’
to Northern Europe from the Continent. The same would apply to a third
sword with the high, stepped pommel, but lacking the distinctive lozenge
grid decoration, found in a river near Askeaton, Co. Limerick, Ireland, and
dated to the eighth century by Peirce.14
The guards of the Yorkshire Museum sword are long and narrow, but
are no longer of the common ‘sandwich’ construction between thin, riveted, upper and lower plates that are usual on swords of type VIII and may
be compared with transitional, pre-Viking swords of Petersen’s Type A.15
In certain respects, the sword is also closer to early Carolingian, mostly
late eighth or early ninth-century examples, including the ‘Mannheim’
type, which likewise have solid iron guards inlaid with vertical strips, or
wires closely hammered into ijine grooves to give the impression of plating
11
12
13
14
15
Behmer 1939: 183, Taf. 61,1.
Behmer 1939: 186–189, 204–205.
In letter, 29/1/2001.
Peirce & Oakeshott 2002: 28–29.
Behmer 1939, Taf. 57–61; Petersen 1919, ijig. 52.
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the whole surface, e.g. from Gravråk, Norway, and Hedeby/Haithabu,
Nordloher Tief and Mannheim, Germany.16 Although its pommel is typologically earlier, the straight, keel-sided form of the Yorkshire Museum
guards and the style of inlay are closely comparable with the swords from
the Rhine at Speyer and Lembeck, Germany, which similarly have guards
inlaid with vertical metal strips of brass, and median strips of the same
metal, too, on the latter.17 The hilt-ijittings of the Lembeck sword are inlaid
with small metal rings, as were, possibly, the guards of the Yorkshire
Museum’s sword, for which a broadly eighth-century dating seems most
appropriate in the light of the above comparisons.
A remarkable parallel for the pattern of the Ultuna pommel is provided
by a sword of unrecorded ijindspot in a private collection. It has a pattern
of stepped swastikas in lozenges inlaid in yellow metal on the pommel
and in silver lozenges between double chevrons of yellow metal on the
guards (Figure 5). Its straight guards and triangular pommel are features
of Petersen’s later type I of the latter half of the ninth until the mid-tenth
century, and most examples have been found in Scandinavia.18 But, like
the swords of the Yorkshire Museum-Ultuna-Askeaton group, this is probably another type that was ‘imported’ from the Continent, in spite of
imperial edicts forbidding such trade, since Frankish-made swords, particularly those from the Rhineland, were highly prized by the Vikings.19
A further, unprovenanced sword of the same type was sold recently at
Christie’s and is currently on loan to the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York.20 Its pommel is also inlaid with stepped swastikas, although
of silver, while those on the guards are set in squares between groups of
vertical lines, and, signiijicantly, the blade is faintly inscribed along the
fuller with what appears to be the name HARTOLFR. The name would
appear to be the same as the HARTOIFA inscribed on the top of the silverinlaid lower guard of a ninth-century sword from the Viking cemetery
at Kilmainham, Co. Dublin. In the latter inscription the ijinal letter was
originally read when still discernible as ‘A’, but subsequently interpreted
as ‘R’ by Professor Marstrander, and the ‘I’ is apparently a blunder, unless
16 Müller-Wille 1982, Abb. 8–10; Arrhenius 1982, Abb. 4; Geibig 1999: 35, Taf. 1; Westphal
2002: 142–144, Abb. 1.2.45, and 1.3.31.
17 Dunning and Evison 1961, pl. 34c–d, ijigs. 3, 7; Stiegemann & Wemhoff 1999: 289, V.37;
Westphal 2002, Abb. 1.1.18a–b.
18 Petersen 1919: 101–105.
19 Müller-Wille 1982; Solberg 1991.
20 King Street, London, sale of 16th December 2003, lot 119; MMA loan no. L.2008.29.2;
Williams 2009: 141, ijigs. 124-125.
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Figure 5. Hilt of an unprovenanced Viking-period sword in a private collection.
Courtesy: Enzo Calabresi-von Morenberg.
it is a lower case ‘l’, thus yielding HARTOLFR.21 The names are a further
demonstration that these swords were the products of a Frankish smith or
workshop.22 They possibly intimate, too, that both hilts and blades could
have been forged in the same workshop, if not by the same smith. It might
be suggested that the superijicial Scandinavian impression created by the
ijinal ‘R’ is perhaps an indication either that the workshop catered for a
Scandinavian clientele or that the smith was of Scandinavian extraction.
The stepped swastika motif that features in the decoration of the hiltijittings of the ijirst unprovenanced sword, deijining it as one of a stylistically
linked group with the Ultuna and unprovenanced HARTOLFR examples,
occurs along with the plain variant in both continental Germanic and
Anglo-Saxon ornamentation. It has been traced back to late Roman metalwork, and appears later, too, in Insular manuscripts, e.g. in the Lindisfarne
Gospels, where it is used as a space ijiller in the upper case ‘A’ on
21 Coffey & Armstrong 1910, pl. 4, 5; Peirce & Oakeshott 2002: 66–67.
22 Müller-Wille 1982: 144–145.
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fol. 91.23 It is therefore noteworthy that one such manuscript, produced
in Northumbria and incorporating stepped swastikas in the borders of
the frontispiece (fol. 1), viz. the early eighth-century ‘Collectio Canonum’,
was known to be in Cologne in the same century.24 Although that date
is too late to suggest the possibility of Anglo-Saxon influence on, or reinforcement of, the choice of the design in the case of the Ultuna sword,
it is tempting to raise it in connection with the other two members of
the stylistic group and postulate that the motif may have been combined,
perhaps in the Rhineland, with the pre-existing type of plain lozenge grid
noted above, speciijically for the decoration of sword-hilt ijittings. More
evidence would be needed, though, to determine whether the group
might represent the output of a single, or closely connected, workshop(s)
keeping up with technical development and fashion over time.
The herringbone (or chevron) pattern welding of the blade of the
Yorkshire Museum sword is of Lang and Ager’s type A.25 This is a common pattern in use throughout much of the early medieval period and
was employed on both single and, less often, double-layered blades, e.g.
on Merovingian swords from Schretzheim, Germany, graves 166, 324, 556,
630; sixth and early seventh-century Anglo-Saxon examples from Dover
graves 71, 93, 96A, 96B, and Chartham Down, Kent; as well as on late
ninth-century Anglo-Saxon swords of Petersen’s type L from London and
‘Ardvonrig’ (Ardvouray?), Barra, Scotland.26
It was noted above that the blade is inlaid with a pattern-welded loop
(Figure 3). Simple, inlaid loops occur from the sixth century onwards on
pattern-welded blades, replacing plain rings, e.g. the ijigure-of-eight loops
on a Merovingian sword from Schretzheim, grave 511 and on a Petersen
type L sword from Camphill, Burneston, Yorkshire.27 Eyelet-loops occur
on a seventh-century Merovingian sword from Andernach, Germany,
grave 1940, on eighth-century swords from Leer-Ostendorf and Dülmen,
and on tenth-century, late Saxon, and late ninth/early tenth-century
Viking swords from the Thames near Westminster, and the River Lea at
Edmonton, Enijield.28 Such loops and scrolls also occur on the typologically later blades of homogeneous iron. They are probably makers’, or
23 Brown 1981; Backhouse 1981, pl. 39.
24 Alexander 1978: 44–45, cat. no. 13, ill. 60.
25 Lang & Ager 1989, ijig. 7.2.
26 Koch 1977, Taf. 182, 3, 6, 11–13; Lang & Ager 1989: 95, ijig. 7.5c.
27 Koch 1977, Taf. 185, 3; Lang & Ager 1989, ijig. 7.10b.
28 Oesterwind & Schäfer 1988, Abb. 14, 4; Westphal 2002: 158–159, Abb. 1.1.27a–d and
1.1.28a–c; Lang & Ager 1989, ijig. 7.9a–b.
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workshop, marks, and the precursors of the well-known ULFBERHT and
INGELRII inscriptions on swords of the Viking/Carolingian periods from
the late eighth/early ninth century and later, although on these it is often
only the letters that are pattern-welded, while the blades may be of homogeneous iron.29
Since the ijind circumstances of the Yorkshire Museum sword are unrecorded, its earlier history is a matter for speculation. It was perhaps a
royal gift from the Continent to a member of the Northumbrian elite or
else the weapon of a Viking in the Great Army, if it was indeed found
in Yorkshire. But the signs on the blade that it may have been retrieved
from a waterlogged, or riverine, source indicate that it could be a further
example of what appears to have been a deliberate rite of water deposition of weapons that was widespread among Germanic peoples during
the ijirst millennium ad, and in Britain particularly from the late Saxon/
Viking period.30 It has also been suggested that swords were deposited in
rivers at ceremonies of peace making, or oath taking.31 Other possibilities
should not be dismissed, however, as a certain proportion must doubtless
represent loss in battle at river crossings and bridges, or even occasional
accidental loss from scabbards, e.g. by riders getting into difijiculty while
fording, which is not unheard of.
In conclusion, the shouldered form of the pommel of the Yorkshire
Museum sword is shared with swords of the late seventh/eighth century
from Ultuna and Askeaton, while its lozenge grid decoration indicates in
addition a stylistic connection with the former and also with the typologically and chronologically later, unprovenanced HARTOLFR sword and
the example noted in a private collection. It is of eighth-century Frankish
manufacture and sheds light on a so far little-attested intermediate stage
in development from swords with high, geometrically inlaid pommels and
straight guards of solid iron of the late Merovingian period to Carolingian/
Viking-period examples of Petersen’s type I of the late ninth/mid-tenth
century, with fully weighted, triangular pommels inlaid with lozenge grids
and similar guards.
29 Lang & Ager 1989: 101–106; Westphal 2002: 154, 159.
30 Müller-Wille 1984; East, Larkin & Winsor 1985: 3–6; Lang & Ager 1989: 114; Härke
2000: 389–390; Theuws & Alkemade 2000: 426; cf. Simek 1993, sub ‘Slíðr’.
31 Blair 1994: 99.
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Abstract of Report on Examination of the Sword Undertaken by Michael
Cowell in the British Museum’s Department of Scientiijic Research;
DSR Project No. 7193
The iron sword is of late Merovingian or early Carolingian date (eighth
century ad). Inlaid decoration on the guards and pommel on the handle of the sword was analysed by qualitative X-ray fluorescence (XRF) to
attempt to identify the materials used. The yellow metal on the sword
handle is leaded tin bronze. The grey cross bands on the guard could not
be fully identiijied; they may be a completely corroded copper alloy or the
residue of a mineral inlay such as niello. The twisted wire decoration is
copper. The lattice pattern on the pommel consists of a copper alloy and
there is a possibility that it is silver or tin plated.
Acknowledgements
I am most grateful to Elizabeth Hartley, former Senior Curator of
Archaeology at the Yorkshire Museum, for asking me to write this note
and for kindly making the sword available for study. I am also indebted to
Hayley Bullock and Michael Cowell for their respective scientiijic reports,
to David Thickett and Kathryn Hallett for analysis, and to Alison Draper
and David Starley of the Royal Armouries for the x-radiography and rescanning. Similarly I wish to thank John Ljungkvist (Institutionen för
Arkeologi och Antik Historia, Uppsala), Martin Rundkvist and Jan-Peder
Lamm for information regarding the Ultuna excavations, and Per Brorson
for his kind and invaluable assistance. I am further indebted to Françoise
Vallet and Dr Patrick Périn (Musée d’Archéologie Nationale, France) for
slides, illustrations and information regarding the sword from Férebrianges,
and ijinally to the Department of Conservation, Documentation and
Science and British Museum Photographic Services for photographs of the
Yorkshire Museum sword. Any errors in the present article are, of course,
my own.
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barry ager
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